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| EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN AGAINST VOUCHERS |
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EMERGENCY CAMPAIGN AGAINST VOUCHERS Spring/Summer 1999 (v3#3) New York City is ground zero in the battle over public education. Although Mayor Giuliani and the City Council have agreed to delay action on the Mayors proposal to offer taxpayer funded private school vouchers to 3,000 NYC public school students, this is, at best, a temporary reprieve. The Mayor and Council Speaker Peter Vallone have agreed to set aside $6 million this year to study various education reform ideas, including vouchers. The threat of vouchers undermining public education in New York City and elsewhere remains strong, however. Conservative political forces who support vouchers are in a desperate race for time. Slowly, but steadily, more and more "back page" newspaper stories are beginning to crop up about other strategies that have significantly improved student achievement in low-income communities. Among the most effective of these strategies are early grade class size reduction, state school funding reform and better accountability systems. Anti-Voucher Campaign Launched Press Conference on March 11 Teach-In on May 20 Despite the considerable political clout assembled on the steps of City Hall, media coverage of the press conference was close to zero. Though The New York Times covered the Teach-In, the other daily newspapers did not. Members of the coalition are continuing to send their organizations statements against vouchers to the press and continuing to appear in televised debates on vouchers. The Citizens Committee for Children printed up and distributed thousands of anti-voucher postcards to the Mayor and to the City Council Speaker. The City Council Black and Latino Caucus, along with Speaker Vallone, have come out in opposition to publicly-funded private school vouchers. Voucher Findings Even when evaluations are conducted by pro-voucher researchers, findings indicate that academic gains for public school students who switched to private or religious schools, either through privately funded scholarships (such as in New York City) or taxpayer funded vouchers (in Milwaukee and Cleveland) have been slight, at best. Independent researchers, on the other hand, find no or barely measurable improvements. A large part of the methodological problem in these studies has been that there is too small a sample of former public school students that have remained in private schools for two or more years. There is a very high dropout rate of public school students in these programs. "Fly by night" schools emerged in both Milwaukee and Cleveland that were forced to close because of financial irregularities. Also, a majority of students in both privately and publicly-funded programs were already attending private school or had siblings who attended private school. Helping low-income children escape low-performing schools has been the claim for vouchers. But the reality is that both publicly and privately-funded voucher programs have primarily assisted families who would have sent their children to religious schools anyway. Mayors Proposal There has also been a surprising lack of scrutiny of the logic behind the Mayors proposal. The Mayor puts forth the argument that competition with private schools will improve the public schools. Would he claim that a reduction in crime resulted from competition with private security forces or that improvements in the subway system resulted from increased private bus and van service? Increased investment in police and transit turned around these public services, not privatization. Even conservative ideologues cannot claim that vouchers have substantially improved the Milwaukee school system after ten years. The most serious problem with the Mayors voucher proposal, hardly mentioned by the press, is that its funding would represent a significant disinvestment in public schools. On its face, the proposal appears to be modest: an expenditure of $12 million over the next two years for administration and incentive payments for a community school district that agrees to participate in sending 3,000 low-income students to private schools. This cost estimate, however, is deceptive. The proposal involves a redirection of city and state education funding that would create a per-pupil "voucher" of between $5,500 to $8,500. This would come to $16.5 - $25.5 million annually. The total amount withdrawn from the public school system over the two years, including administration and incentives, would be between $45 million and $63 million. False Solutions Ironically, in our state it is Governor Pataki, not the Mayor, who is currently blocking major reforms that would bring about significant improvements in urban public schools. In January, the Governor proposed eliminating state funding earmarked for class size reduction, even though three years of funding beginning in the 1999 school year had been promised since 1997. While there has been extensive press coverage of the delay in adopting this years state budget, very few reporters have mentioned one of the main stumbling blocks, the Governors attempt to undo this two-year old legislative agreement. The Governor has also directed that the state put up an aggressive legal defense against the Campaign for Fiscal Equity lawsuit despite a pattern of inequitable funding that places New York among the five worst states in the nation in terms of funding gaps between wealthy and poor districts. Smaller classes, better funding and greater accountability are some of the measures used successfully by other states to improve student achievement. Lets hope New York adopts these winning strategies soon, instead of wasting more time on vouchers and other diversions. [ Budget Info | FAQ NYC Students/Schools | State Funding Equity | Smaller Class Sizes | Facilities | Standards | Emergency Campaign Against Vouchers | Historical Facts | Lingo Translations | Best Schools/School Performance ] |
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